Reynolds: "Why Is a Liberal, Out-of-State Group Praising Edmondson?”
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Contact: State Rep. Mike Reynolds
Capitol: (405) 557-7337
OKLAHOMA CITY (October 26, 2007) – Although the Washington, DC-based Ballot Initiative Strategy Center (BISC) claims to be a "progressive 'think-and-do' tank" eager to "reinvigorate the initiative process among state and national progressive organizations...." it’s actions undercut that claims, state Rep. Mike Reynolds said today.
BISC statements imply that it upholds the values of democracy and citizen initiative rights, and is a friend of the rule of law.
"But it seems this is only true when BISC wants to advance its own political agenda through initiatives," said Reynolds, R-Oklahoma City, responding to a recent statement issued by the Center. "BISC is apparently all in favor of hauling supporters off to prison if they work for initiatives BISC doesn't like."
An October 22 press release issued by the organization applies its BISC-quicked logic to the case of Paul Jacob, Susan Johnson, and Rick Carpenter, leaders in a recent Oklahoma initiative to limit state spending often referred to as a Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR). If convicted of participating in democracy they could go to prison for up to 10 years.
According to BISC, the Oklahoma three are "crooks [who] have worked in this arena long enough to know the laws. They just thought they could get away with ignoring them. In fact, we have found that most right-wing ballot initiative players operate with complete disregard for state laws meant to ensure an open and honest process of putting issues on the ballot."
BISC's blanket characterization of "right-wing ballot initiative players" immediately suggests an ideological bias, Reynolds said.
But worse, said Reynolds, "BISC is dishonest to claim that the Oklahoma Three 'thought they could get away with ignoring' Oklahoma's law that petition circulators be residents. BISC links to Paul Jacob's statement of self-defense but ignores his explanation of how the state changed the rules, after the fact, on what constitutes residency. At freepauljacob.com, Mister Jacob reports in detail on the effort he and others made to ensure that they were complying with the law, a law that contrary to BISC's assertions does not in fact do anything to ensure an open and honest ballot process.
"If BISC thinks Jacob is wrong on the facts, why don't they answer him?" Reynolds asked. "Why don't they refute him? Their attack is clearly not about facts or objective law. It's sad that political activists who make use of the initiative process themselves refuse to see the glaring injustice and unconstitutionality here, which could be extended to them too one day. And it is an Orwellian inversion to imply that abetting the exercise by Oklahoma citizens of their constitutionally guaranteed citizen initiative rights is in and of itself a form of sabotage of those rights."
BISC Executive Director Kristina Wilfore has even gone so far as to submit a letter of praise to Attorney General Edmondson stressing that the TABOR campaign was funded and enjoining Edmondson to look into the "network of funders" that has supported this and other petition drives.
“BISC is not a credible source of information,” said Reynolds. “It’s on the extreme left, supported by donations from the National Abortion Rights Action League and billionaire George Soros's Open Society Foundation. BISC is about using the initiative process to promote the leftwing agenda of its donors. Contrary to its rhetoric about ‘out of state’ interests, BISC itself provides direct donations to ballot measures in multiple states.
“BISC ideologically opposes TABOR initiatives,” said Reynolds. “In 2006, Nebraska campaign filings show that BISC was paid to train people in blocking a TABOR petition drive. A federal judge issued a temporary restraining order against three Nebraska cities because they violated the 1st Amendment rights of TABOR petitioners."
“BISC should be ashamed enough of its admitted role in campaigns designed to harass petitioners and block voters from deciding issues like TABOR,” Reynolds concluded. “But now we see their desire to help in the AG’s witch-hunt against the initiative process, to actually throw their political opponents in prison. That's a sad commentary on BISC.”
The state representative pointed to BISC’s own statement that their help in the prosecution of these three individuals by the AG is “a continuation of those efforts” to block TABOR from the ballot.
###
Saturday, October 27, 2007
RIED - William O. Pitts and The Journal Record coming after...
I think its very odd that William O. Pitts and The
Journal Record, In now two story/opinion would
single out State Sen. Anthony Sykes, and try to
make him look like He is NOT Pro Business !
Just like Dr. Tom Coburn, Senator Syker is
ANTI-PORK !!!!
And that something that the so call "pro business"
RIED is NOT, They LOVE PORK and to spend out
Tax Dollar for pets issues !!
Senator Syker is one of two State Senator (The
other being State Senator Randy Brogdom),
that try to hold the line with the pro-pork
GOP group's at the State Capitol.
It look like, that Pro-Pork Republican's, are
coming after Anti-Pork Republican, up for
re-election in 2008, more about this in due time.
Are the Pro-Pork Republican trying to make
Senator Syker, look bad ? Only time and more
old media news story will tell...
http://www.journalrecord.com/article.cfm?recid=83076
OPINION
Pitts: Lawyer legislators – their score on business issues
by William O. Pitts
The Journal RecordOctober 29, 2007
Attorney members of the Oklahoma Legislature averaged better than a passing score in voting on business issues during the 2007 session, according to data released by the Research Institute for Economic Development, which prepared an annual report card on how legislators voted on more than 200 business, jobs and economic development issues.
That concept of the Legislature was true years ago when the House might have as many as 30 lawyer-members and it was not uncommon for more than half of the 48-member Senate to be attorneys. One reason for it was the public's idea that lawyers, by reason of their profession and interests, should make good lawmakers.
Only 11 of the 101 current House members are lawyers, while 15 of the 48 state senators list their occupation as attorneys. These 26 legislators (14 Republicans and 12 Democrats) are a mere 17 percent of the 149 legislative members.
What has proven true in recent years is that no profession, business endeavor or specific area of public interest has a corner on the ability to provide competent legislators.
With trained staff personnel available as bill drafters and researchers, any legislator is able have his ideas formed into workable legislative measures.
More business people run for the Legislature today than in the past, often reducing the number of lawyers running or getting elected.
Before lawyers were allowed to advertise many attorneys ran for the Legislature to get public notice. If they were elected it was helpful in getting legal business.
Another contributing factor to the image of a lawyer-dominated Legislature is that for 26 of the last 40 years the top leadership post in the Senate has been held by attorneys.
The House is another story. During the same period attorneys were speakers for a total of 10 years, including current Speaker Lance Cargill, R-Harrah, who lists his occupation as business attorney.
The RIED scores for attorneys on business issues shows an average grade of 73 points in the House, which is above the 70 point passing grade but well below the perfect score of 100 points.
On business issues there is a definite difference in attorneys. A compilation of RIED scores for the five House Democrat attorneys indicates a failing average of 55 points.
The lowest was by state Rep. Richard Morrissette, D-OKC, with 48 points. The highest was 86 by state Rep. Scott Inman, OKC.
With Republican attorney-House members the picture is different. Those six have a RIED rating averaging 87 points with three of them, Cargill, Reps. Dan Sullivan, R-Tulsa, and Ron Peterson, R-Broken Arrow, scoring the maximum of 100 points each. The lowest score of 56 points among the Republicans was by Rep. John Trebilcock, R-Tulsa.
In the Senate the score was higher for the eight Republican and seven Democrat attorneys, with an average for all 15 of 79 points. Democrats averaged 72 points, while the Republicans averaged 86 points.
The highest RIED score among Democrats belongs to state Sen. Charlie Laster, Shawnee, with 86 points. The lowest was Senate President Pro Tempore Mike Morgan, D-Stillwater, with 60 points.
State Sen. Anthony Sykes, R-Moore, had the lowest rating among Senate Republican attorneys with 45 points . The two highest scores belong to state Sen. Brian Crain, R-Tulsa, and Co-President Pro Tempore Glenn Coffee, R-OKC, with 98 and 97 points respectively.
Are there too many lawyers in the Legislature?
Gov. Brad Henry, an attorney, has said there should be more of them. He seems to follow this philosophy in his gubernatorial appointments to state boards and commissions.
By the way during the four years the RIED report was issued while he was in the state Senate, Henry had a substantially failing cumulative average of 47 points.
The RIED report card shows at least one thing. The pro-business attitude of today's attorney-legislators seems to depend more on political affiliation than their profession.
William O. Pitts may be reached by phone at (405) 278-2880 or by e-mailingbill.pitts@journalrecord.com .
I think its very odd that William O. Pitts and The
Journal Record, In now two story/opinion would
single out State Sen. Anthony Sykes, and try to
make him look like He is NOT Pro Business !
Just like Dr. Tom Coburn, Senator Syker is
ANTI-PORK !!!!
And that something that the so call "pro business"
RIED is NOT, They LOVE PORK and to spend out
Tax Dollar for pets issues !!
Senator Syker is one of two State Senator (The
other being State Senator Randy Brogdom),
that try to hold the line with the pro-pork
GOP group's at the State Capitol.
It look like, that Pro-Pork Republican's, are
coming after Anti-Pork Republican, up for
re-election in 2008, more about this in due time.
Are the Pro-Pork Republican trying to make
Senator Syker, look bad ? Only time and more
old media news story will tell...
http://www.journalrecord.com/article.cfm?recid=83076
OPINION
Pitts: Lawyer legislators – their score on business issues
by William O. Pitts
The Journal RecordOctober 29, 2007
Attorney members of the Oklahoma Legislature averaged better than a passing score in voting on business issues during the 2007 session, according to data released by the Research Institute for Economic Development, which prepared an annual report card on how legislators voted on more than 200 business, jobs and economic development issues.
That concept of the Legislature was true years ago when the House might have as many as 30 lawyer-members and it was not uncommon for more than half of the 48-member Senate to be attorneys. One reason for it was the public's idea that lawyers, by reason of their profession and interests, should make good lawmakers.
Only 11 of the 101 current House members are lawyers, while 15 of the 48 state senators list their occupation as attorneys. These 26 legislators (14 Republicans and 12 Democrats) are a mere 17 percent of the 149 legislative members.
What has proven true in recent years is that no profession, business endeavor or specific area of public interest has a corner on the ability to provide competent legislators.
With trained staff personnel available as bill drafters and researchers, any legislator is able have his ideas formed into workable legislative measures.
More business people run for the Legislature today than in the past, often reducing the number of lawyers running or getting elected.
Before lawyers were allowed to advertise many attorneys ran for the Legislature to get public notice. If they were elected it was helpful in getting legal business.
Another contributing factor to the image of a lawyer-dominated Legislature is that for 26 of the last 40 years the top leadership post in the Senate has been held by attorneys.
The House is another story. During the same period attorneys were speakers for a total of 10 years, including current Speaker Lance Cargill, R-Harrah, who lists his occupation as business attorney.
The RIED scores for attorneys on business issues shows an average grade of 73 points in the House, which is above the 70 point passing grade but well below the perfect score of 100 points.
On business issues there is a definite difference in attorneys. A compilation of RIED scores for the five House Democrat attorneys indicates a failing average of 55 points.
The lowest was by state Rep. Richard Morrissette, D-OKC, with 48 points. The highest was 86 by state Rep. Scott Inman, OKC.
With Republican attorney-House members the picture is different. Those six have a RIED rating averaging 87 points with three of them, Cargill, Reps. Dan Sullivan, R-Tulsa, and Ron Peterson, R-Broken Arrow, scoring the maximum of 100 points each. The lowest score of 56 points among the Republicans was by Rep. John Trebilcock, R-Tulsa.
In the Senate the score was higher for the eight Republican and seven Democrat attorneys, with an average for all 15 of 79 points. Democrats averaged 72 points, while the Republicans averaged 86 points.
The highest RIED score among Democrats belongs to state Sen. Charlie Laster, Shawnee, with 86 points. The lowest was Senate President Pro Tempore Mike Morgan, D-Stillwater, with 60 points.
State Sen. Anthony Sykes, R-Moore, had the lowest rating among Senate Republican attorneys with 45 points . The two highest scores belong to state Sen. Brian Crain, R-Tulsa, and Co-President Pro Tempore Glenn Coffee, R-OKC, with 98 and 97 points respectively.
Are there too many lawyers in the Legislature?
Gov. Brad Henry, an attorney, has said there should be more of them. He seems to follow this philosophy in his gubernatorial appointments to state boards and commissions.
By the way during the four years the RIED report was issued while he was in the state Senate, Henry had a substantially failing cumulative average of 47 points.
The RIED report card shows at least one thing. The pro-business attitude of today's attorney-legislators seems to depend more on political affiliation than their profession.
William O. Pitts may be reached by phone at (405) 278-2880 or by e-mailingbill.pitts@journalrecord.com .
Friday, October 26, 2007
Schmidly’s donation raises questions in New Mexico
Tuesday, October 23, 2007
By Nicole Riley
O'Collegian Staff Writer
Former OSU President David Schmidly gave the maximum campaign donation allowable to New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson’s presidential campaign less than a month after Schmidly was announced as the new president of the University of New Mexico.
Schmidly said his $2,300 contribution to Richardson, a fellow Democrat, had nothing to do with his appointment.
“Well, I would not donate to someone just simply because they are close to me,” Schmidly said. “I donated to him because as I’ve met him and heard his platform and his presentation, I resonate with the man, and that’s why I donated to [him].”
Four of the seven regents who appointed Schmidly in New Mexico have contributed a combined $8,800 to Richardson’s campaign, according to http://www.opensecrets.org. Each regent gave about the maximum donation.
Like at OSU, the governor appoints UNM’s board of regents.
A Common Cause spokesperson and an OSU political science professor, Jim Davis, said the donations raise an ethical concern.
“It certainly, at minimum, raises the question of are these people in some way feeling pressured into making contributions because he is their boss,” said spokesperson Mary Boyle of Common Cause.
Schmidly’s contribution to Richardson was his first donation to a federal campaign in about eight years, according to the Web site.
“I’m not a big political contributor,” Schmidly said in a telephone interview from New Mexico.
Schmidly said that during his candidacy for UNM president, he talked to Richardson over the phone but didn’t meet him in person until moving to New Mexico.
He said Richardson’s been a strong supporter of higher education.
“He’s kept tuition very low by investing state money into higher education, and he has used higher education to bring significant industry to New Mexico,” Schmidly said.
“He’s a really quality person. He’s got good values,” Schmidly said. “He has good judgment in my opinion, and that’s why I donated to him.”
Schmidly’s other two federal donations listed on the Opensecrets Web site were $250 to a Texas Democrats congressional campaign in 1998 and $250 in 1999 to the American Dream PAC, an independent leadership PAC that was reported to give help to minority GOP candidates financially.
The fact that Schmidly donated less than a month after UNM hired him might seem suspicious, but Schmidly said, “The coincidence was probably I was just out here.”
Schmidly said he knew nothing about the UNM regents’ donations. According to the Opensecrets Web site, Schmidly gave his donation on March 12, which an Albuquerque newspaper reported was the same day he attended his first board of regents meeting and said he had plans to meet with Richardson later. Schmidly said he didn’t remember if he met with Richardson that day.
Schmidly:
From Page 1
An OSU political science professor said Schmidly’s and the regent’s donations are “probably something that people just do to cover their political bases.”
“It’s just what’s expected, perhaps, from regents or from college presidents or from others that are prominent personalities in the state,” Bob England said.
Common Cause, an organization that advocates public financing of presidential campaigns, said on its Web site that the influence of wealthy interests in the funding of campaigns has “eroded public trust in our political system and discouraged political participation.”
Boyle said the donations are a “good example of why we think that we really need to fix the public financing system so that presidential campaigns are not financed by individuals.”
“We shouldn’t have a campaign finance system where you’re looking at contributions and you’re wondering whether they were in search of some kind of access and influence buying,” said Boyle. “You wouldn’t worry, ‘Are these regents trying to curry favor?’ or ‘Are these regents trying to seek another seven-year appointment?’
On the other hand, Boyle and Davis agreed it’s possible that Schmidly and the UNM regents respect Richardson and simply want to support him.
“I could look at this governor’s candidacy and say, ‘Geez, that guy doesn’t even have his own people backing him,’” Davis said. “You’d figure he’d have that.”
Davis said if government employees are acting independently, such donations are OK.
“I can say that it doesn’t leave a good taste in my mouth, but the arguments for are as strong as the arguments against,” he said. “It’s just one of those ambiguous questions.”
England said he’d be surprised if Schmidly hadn’t donated to Richardson.
“If you’re going to be the president of a university and your governor is running for presidency, would you not support him?” England said.
A former Oklahoma state auditor said it boils down to two issues: “What are the laws of New Mexico?” and “Is it morally right?”
“If the laws that govern New Mexico do not prohibit it, it becomes a moral issue,” Clifton Scott said. “Once [information about donations] is published, it comes down to, ‘What does the public opinion say about it?’”
Boyle said the donations are legal.
At the time of Schmidly’s donation, Opensecrets.org listed him as an employee of UNM, but Schmidly said that was incorrect.
“When I came out to New Mexico, I used annual leave, and I had New Mexico pay me as a consultant,” Schmidly said. “So that way I couldn’t be accused of double dipping or abusing my role at Oklahoma State.”
Schmidly said he officially started working as president of UNM on June 1. According to an OSU A&M Board of Regents meeting, he was on “special assignment” to finish teaching his leadership class effective March 1. His contract as OSU president didn’t officially end until May 31, according to OSU records.
Schmidly’s donation might count for little if England is correct that Richardson loses his party’s nomination to either Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama.
Schmidly disagreed.
“He’s not losing ground,” Schmidly said. “He’s gaining ground.”
According to opensecrets.org, Richardson, who has received more than $5 million from New Mexico alone, has surprised some political analysts with his ability to raise money while maintaining his position as governor. Donations from individuals such as Schmidly’s make up 98 percent of Richardson’s overall campaign contributions, according to opensecrets.org. As of Oct. 18, Richardson had raised about $19 million and 49 percent of his contributors donated about $2,300, according to the Opensecrets Web site.
“I think he’s going to hang around,” Schmidly said
This story was published October 23rd, 2007 under Front Page.
http://www.ocolly.com/2007/10/23/schmidly’s-donation-raises-questions-in-new-mexico/
Tuesday, October 23, 2007
By Nicole Riley
O'Collegian Staff Writer
Former OSU President David Schmidly gave the maximum campaign donation allowable to New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson’s presidential campaign less than a month after Schmidly was announced as the new president of the University of New Mexico.
Schmidly said his $2,300 contribution to Richardson, a fellow Democrat, had nothing to do with his appointment.
“Well, I would not donate to someone just simply because they are close to me,” Schmidly said. “I donated to him because as I’ve met him and heard his platform and his presentation, I resonate with the man, and that’s why I donated to [him].”
Four of the seven regents who appointed Schmidly in New Mexico have contributed a combined $8,800 to Richardson’s campaign, according to http://www.opensecrets.org. Each regent gave about the maximum donation.
Like at OSU, the governor appoints UNM’s board of regents.
A Common Cause spokesperson and an OSU political science professor, Jim Davis, said the donations raise an ethical concern.
“It certainly, at minimum, raises the question of are these people in some way feeling pressured into making contributions because he is their boss,” said spokesperson Mary Boyle of Common Cause.
Schmidly’s contribution to Richardson was his first donation to a federal campaign in about eight years, according to the Web site.
“I’m not a big political contributor,” Schmidly said in a telephone interview from New Mexico.
Schmidly said that during his candidacy for UNM president, he talked to Richardson over the phone but didn’t meet him in person until moving to New Mexico.
He said Richardson’s been a strong supporter of higher education.
“He’s kept tuition very low by investing state money into higher education, and he has used higher education to bring significant industry to New Mexico,” Schmidly said.
“He’s a really quality person. He’s got good values,” Schmidly said. “He has good judgment in my opinion, and that’s why I donated to him.”
Schmidly’s other two federal donations listed on the Opensecrets Web site were $250 to a Texas Democrats congressional campaign in 1998 and $250 in 1999 to the American Dream PAC, an independent leadership PAC that was reported to give help to minority GOP candidates financially.
The fact that Schmidly donated less than a month after UNM hired him might seem suspicious, but Schmidly said, “The coincidence was probably I was just out here.”
Schmidly said he knew nothing about the UNM regents’ donations. According to the Opensecrets Web site, Schmidly gave his donation on March 12, which an Albuquerque newspaper reported was the same day he attended his first board of regents meeting and said he had plans to meet with Richardson later. Schmidly said he didn’t remember if he met with Richardson that day.
Schmidly:
From Page 1
An OSU political science professor said Schmidly’s and the regent’s donations are “probably something that people just do to cover their political bases.”
“It’s just what’s expected, perhaps, from regents or from college presidents or from others that are prominent personalities in the state,” Bob England said.
Common Cause, an organization that advocates public financing of presidential campaigns, said on its Web site that the influence of wealthy interests in the funding of campaigns has “eroded public trust in our political system and discouraged political participation.”
Boyle said the donations are a “good example of why we think that we really need to fix the public financing system so that presidential campaigns are not financed by individuals.”
“We shouldn’t have a campaign finance system where you’re looking at contributions and you’re wondering whether they were in search of some kind of access and influence buying,” said Boyle. “You wouldn’t worry, ‘Are these regents trying to curry favor?’ or ‘Are these regents trying to seek another seven-year appointment?’
On the other hand, Boyle and Davis agreed it’s possible that Schmidly and the UNM regents respect Richardson and simply want to support him.
“I could look at this governor’s candidacy and say, ‘Geez, that guy doesn’t even have his own people backing him,’” Davis said. “You’d figure he’d have that.”
Davis said if government employees are acting independently, such donations are OK.
“I can say that it doesn’t leave a good taste in my mouth, but the arguments for are as strong as the arguments against,” he said. “It’s just one of those ambiguous questions.”
England said he’d be surprised if Schmidly hadn’t donated to Richardson.
“If you’re going to be the president of a university and your governor is running for presidency, would you not support him?” England said.
A former Oklahoma state auditor said it boils down to two issues: “What are the laws of New Mexico?” and “Is it morally right?”
“If the laws that govern New Mexico do not prohibit it, it becomes a moral issue,” Clifton Scott said. “Once [information about donations] is published, it comes down to, ‘What does the public opinion say about it?’”
Boyle said the donations are legal.
At the time of Schmidly’s donation, Opensecrets.org listed him as an employee of UNM, but Schmidly said that was incorrect.
“When I came out to New Mexico, I used annual leave, and I had New Mexico pay me as a consultant,” Schmidly said. “So that way I couldn’t be accused of double dipping or abusing my role at Oklahoma State.”
Schmidly said he officially started working as president of UNM on June 1. According to an OSU A&M Board of Regents meeting, he was on “special assignment” to finish teaching his leadership class effective March 1. His contract as OSU president didn’t officially end until May 31, according to OSU records.
Schmidly’s donation might count for little if England is correct that Richardson loses his party’s nomination to either Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama.
Schmidly disagreed.
“He’s not losing ground,” Schmidly said. “He’s gaining ground.”
According to opensecrets.org, Richardson, who has received more than $5 million from New Mexico alone, has surprised some political analysts with his ability to raise money while maintaining his position as governor. Donations from individuals such as Schmidly’s make up 98 percent of Richardson’s overall campaign contributions, according to opensecrets.org. As of Oct. 18, Richardson had raised about $19 million and 49 percent of his contributors donated about $2,300, according to the Opensecrets Web site.
“I think he’s going to hang around,” Schmidly said
This story was published October 23rd, 2007 under Front Page.
http://www.ocolly.com/2007/10/23/schmidly’s-donation-raises-questions-in-new-mexico/
Wednesday, October 24, 2007
http://www.normantranscript.com/localnews/local_story_297002442.html
Published: October 24, 2007 12:24 am
Martin, other lawmakers refuse copies of Quran
By M. Scott Carter
Transcript Staff Writer
OKLAHOMA CITY — Saying he had no “spiritual or scholarly need” for it, Norman state Rep. Scott Martin confirmed Tuesday that he refused a copy of the Quran, the Muslim world’s holy book.
On Monday, a “Centennial” copy of the Quran was offered to all members of the Oklahoma Legislature from the Governor’s Ethnic American Advisory Council. And while many lawmakers accepted the book, at least eight legislators refused the gift, citing religious reasons.
Martin, a Republican, joined at least five other state representatives and two state senators — David Derby of Owasso, Guy Liebmann of Oklahoma City, Mark McCullough of Sapulpa, Mike Reynolds of Oklahoma City, Susan Winchester of Chickasha, Rex Duncan of Sand Springs and Senators Randy Brogdon of Owasso and David Myers of Ponca City — who refused to accept copies of the Quran.
“They (the Governor’s task force) sent us an e-mail, asking if we wanted a copy,” Martin said. “And since it wasn’t something that I needed, I kindly declined the offer.”
Martin said he turned down the book for religious reasons.
“I’m a Christian,” he said. “And there’s lots of other religious documents that I don’t have a copy of. But I appreciated them giving us more of a choice.”
State Rep. Rex Duncan, who announced his refusal publicly, said he turned down a copy of the Quran because it advocated killing women and children.
“Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology,” he said in an interview with the Associated Press. Duncan said he objected “to the use of the state Centennial Seal and the state Seal all in an effort to further their (Muslims’) religion.”
However, one religious scholar said the action could be viewed as an insult to the Muslim community.
University of Oklahoma religious studies professor David Vishanoff, who specializes in Islamic studies, said lawmakers were making a “quick judgment” about the Islamic faith and probably haven’t read the book.
“I think they are making the mistake of identifying what they perceive as some Muslims’ belief as what’s in the Quran,” he said. “I don’t think they can find it advocating ‘killing innocent women and children.’”
The Quran, Vishanoff said, condemns infanticide, has a system of rules about the taking of life and urges restraint and forgiveness. And while some parts of the Quran are “hair raising,” Vishanoff said they are subject to interpretation. “It’s a Seventh Century Arabian book. You can say the same thing about the Bible … it’s all in there.”
By refusing the offer, Vishanoff said lawmakers were sending a negative message to the Muslim community.
“If I were in their shoes, I think I would get the message that we don’t really want Islam in our community,” Vishanoff said. “And that’s what they are trying to overcome.”
Oklahoma Muslims have “been making a real effort” to have a visible relationship with Oklahoma’s business and community leaders, he said. “They are an integral and respected part of the Oklahoma community. They are voters and supporters. And they matter.”
But while a few lawmakers passed on their copy of the Quran, at least one Cleveland County lawmaker said he accepted his copy.
Norman Democrat Bill Nations said he, too, was offered a copy of the Quran and he accepted it.
“I did receive a copy,” Nations said. “I fact I already had one.”
Nations said he wasn’t offended by the book, adding that he owned a copy of the Book of Mormon and “about 20” Bibles.
“It’s a matter of an intellectual exercise,” he said. “And understanding what’s going on the world. All Muslims are not our enemies, just some radical ones, which are the problems.”
While he said he had not received the e-mail about the Quran, state Rep. Wallace Collins, D-Norman, said he would accept a copy if offered. “I didn’t see an e-mail about it, but I would accept one if offered,” Collins said. “I have several friends who are Muslim.”
The controversy comes on the heels of a recent Ramadan dinner hosted by Gov. Brad Henry at the governor’s mansion.
Henry’s spokesman, Paul Sund, said the governor had hosted the dinner for several years. “Like President Bush, he’s hosted a Ramandan dinner for many years.”
At this year’s dinner Henry was presented with a copy of the Quran, Sund said. “No, he didn’t refuse it,” he said. “He accepted it warmly.”
M. Scott Carter366-3545scarter@normantranscript.com
Published: October 24, 2007 12:24 am
Martin, other lawmakers refuse copies of Quran
By M. Scott Carter
Transcript Staff Writer
OKLAHOMA CITY — Saying he had no “spiritual or scholarly need” for it, Norman state Rep. Scott Martin confirmed Tuesday that he refused a copy of the Quran, the Muslim world’s holy book.
On Monday, a “Centennial” copy of the Quran was offered to all members of the Oklahoma Legislature from the Governor’s Ethnic American Advisory Council. And while many lawmakers accepted the book, at least eight legislators refused the gift, citing religious reasons.
Martin, a Republican, joined at least five other state representatives and two state senators — David Derby of Owasso, Guy Liebmann of Oklahoma City, Mark McCullough of Sapulpa, Mike Reynolds of Oklahoma City, Susan Winchester of Chickasha, Rex Duncan of Sand Springs and Senators Randy Brogdon of Owasso and David Myers of Ponca City — who refused to accept copies of the Quran.
“They (the Governor’s task force) sent us an e-mail, asking if we wanted a copy,” Martin said. “And since it wasn’t something that I needed, I kindly declined the offer.”
Martin said he turned down the book for religious reasons.
“I’m a Christian,” he said. “And there’s lots of other religious documents that I don’t have a copy of. But I appreciated them giving us more of a choice.”
State Rep. Rex Duncan, who announced his refusal publicly, said he turned down a copy of the Quran because it advocated killing women and children.
“Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology,” he said in an interview with the Associated Press. Duncan said he objected “to the use of the state Centennial Seal and the state Seal all in an effort to further their (Muslims’) religion.”
However, one religious scholar said the action could be viewed as an insult to the Muslim community.
University of Oklahoma religious studies professor David Vishanoff, who specializes in Islamic studies, said lawmakers were making a “quick judgment” about the Islamic faith and probably haven’t read the book.
“I think they are making the mistake of identifying what they perceive as some Muslims’ belief as what’s in the Quran,” he said. “I don’t think they can find it advocating ‘killing innocent women and children.’”
The Quran, Vishanoff said, condemns infanticide, has a system of rules about the taking of life and urges restraint and forgiveness. And while some parts of the Quran are “hair raising,” Vishanoff said they are subject to interpretation. “It’s a Seventh Century Arabian book. You can say the same thing about the Bible … it’s all in there.”
By refusing the offer, Vishanoff said lawmakers were sending a negative message to the Muslim community.
“If I were in their shoes, I think I would get the message that we don’t really want Islam in our community,” Vishanoff said. “And that’s what they are trying to overcome.”
Oklahoma Muslims have “been making a real effort” to have a visible relationship with Oklahoma’s business and community leaders, he said. “They are an integral and respected part of the Oklahoma community. They are voters and supporters. And they matter.”
But while a few lawmakers passed on their copy of the Quran, at least one Cleveland County lawmaker said he accepted his copy.
Norman Democrat Bill Nations said he, too, was offered a copy of the Quran and he accepted it.
“I did receive a copy,” Nations said. “I fact I already had one.”
Nations said he wasn’t offended by the book, adding that he owned a copy of the Book of Mormon and “about 20” Bibles.
“It’s a matter of an intellectual exercise,” he said. “And understanding what’s going on the world. All Muslims are not our enemies, just some radical ones, which are the problems.”
While he said he had not received the e-mail about the Quran, state Rep. Wallace Collins, D-Norman, said he would accept a copy if offered. “I didn’t see an e-mail about it, but I would accept one if offered,” Collins said. “I have several friends who are Muslim.”
The controversy comes on the heels of a recent Ramadan dinner hosted by Gov. Brad Henry at the governor’s mansion.
Henry’s spokesman, Paul Sund, said the governor had hosted the dinner for several years. “Like President Bush, he’s hosted a Ramandan dinner for many years.”
At this year’s dinner Henry was presented with a copy of the Quran, Sund said. “No, he didn’t refuse it,” he said. “He accepted it warmly.”
M. Scott Carter366-3545scarter@normantranscript.com
Coburn's Anti-Pork Amendment Killed By Senate
Dr. Tom Coburn, expressed his disappointment today after the Senate killed his amendment, “The Children's Health Care First Act,” that would have delayed funding for special interest pork projects until the Secretary of Health and Human Services certified that all children have health insurance.
The Coburn amendment was defeated, or tabled, by a vote of 68 to 26.
“The American people have heard a lot of chatter in Washington about who cares more about children’s health care. The fact is lawmakers in both parties agree that Congress has a moral obligation to care for those who are unable to care for themselves. Yet, when asked to sacrifice their own pork projects, Washington politicians of both parties chose to abandon children,” Dr. Tom said.
Dr. Tom Coburn, expressed his disappointment today after the Senate killed his amendment, “The Children's Health Care First Act,” that would have delayed funding for special interest pork projects until the Secretary of Health and Human Services certified that all children have health insurance.
The Coburn amendment was defeated, or tabled, by a vote of 68 to 26.
“The American people have heard a lot of chatter in Washington about who cares more about children’s health care. The fact is lawmakers in both parties agree that Congress has a moral obligation to care for those who are unable to care for themselves. Yet, when asked to sacrifice their own pork projects, Washington politicians of both parties chose to abandon children,” Dr. Tom said.
One has to ask what kind of BS is this...
>>>
Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
<<<
As much as it pain me to say, Mayor McCheese is right on this one...
>>>
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax".
<<<
http://www.journalrecord.com/article.cfm?recid=82966
Sales tax sharing proposal pits big cities vs. small towns
by Jeff Packham
The Journal Record
October 24, 2007
OKLAHOMA CITY – A tumbleweed rolls down the street as the wind howls in and around empty buildings in a town once thriving with people and economic activity.
This was an example of what small-town representatives painted for elected officials at the state Capitol on Tuesday as a proposal to redistribute sales tax revenues to help the smaller cities was discussed at length by members of the House Appropriations and Budget Subcommittee on Revenue and Taxation.
Wayne Dunham, mayor of Jay, said what once was a bustling retail economy in his 3,000-population city in the northeast corner of Oklahoma had withered down to a small Wal-Mart store and one other grocery store. He said Saturday mornings used to be a time when the locals were active up and down Main Street spending money on their needs.
“On Saturday morning now in Jay, you could shoot a shotgun down Main Street and not hit a soul,” Dunham said.
Nancy Shipley, city manager for Nowata, said most of those living in her town were now doing their shopping in other cities such as Owasso, Bartlesville, Tulsa, or even Coffeyville, Kan. She said the sales tax base had eroded down to nearly nothing, with most of those dollars going to other communities.
“We don’t have any tax base,” Shipley said. “We need all the help we can get.”
Ed Crone, director of Grand Gateway Authority, said these were just two examples of what reliance on the sales tax for municipalities had turned to in the past several decades. Crone said he had been seeking a change in this area for years, and that there had been 10 cities in the past five years that had realistically discussed “just folding the tents and going home.”
State Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, offered a recommendation as part of the interim study proposal to disperse some of the sales tax revenues in the bigger cities to those towns in need. Martin suggested putting the first penny for every dollar collected into a pool and redistributed based on population.
The proposal would help a town such as Achille improve the per-person sales tax from $73 a year to $183 per person. On the other end, Tulsa would lose 8 percent of its sales tax revenues and Oklahoma City would have to pay back 4 percent.
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett said he didn’t deny that Oklahoma City gained sales tax revenues from other communities when they came to the metro area to make purchases. However, he said local taxpayers also footed the bill for the Oklahoma City Zoo and the Civic Center Music Hall, yet other communities weren’t billed for their citizens going to those locations.
Cornett said those living in rural areas made that choice based on issues such as cleaner air and more room. He said those living in the metro areas also chose to live there based on what their needs were.
“There are the pluses and minuses and you have to be willing to accept both,” Cornett said.
Suburban communities like Bethany were mentioned as having significant problems with the sales tax due to having big-city problems but small-town funding. Cornett, however, said combining services such as the fire departments with a bigger city would eliminate the funding needs for at least one major area for cities facing this issue.
“They don’t need their own fire department,” Cornett said. “They choose to have their own fire department.”
Patrick Connelly, budget manager for the city of Tulsa, said he agreed with Cornett on wanting to stay away from a redistribution of the sales tax revenues. Cornett suggested looking at a source of city funding other than sales taxes and Connelly pointed to property taxes as an obvious solution.
Martin said he had looked at a variety of solutions including ad valorem taxes and taxation on services, but said there were far more barriers with those proposals than the one he decided to present to the committee members.
State Rep. Guy Liebmann, R-Oklahoma City, summed up the opposition by the larger cities on the proposal in pointing out that the taxpayers ultimately made the decisions on how their services would be funded. He said the same situation occurred when his ice company had expanded to the point in which he found someone willing to pay a significantly good price to buy it from him.
“That’s how you build a city,” Liebmann said. “You give them the best of everything and they’ll pay for it.”
Chairman Randy Terrill, R-Moore, said it was important to note that funds were available for rural towns for infrastructure needs through grants provided by Oklahoma as a way to address discrepancies in funding.
>>>
Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
<<<
As much as it pain me to say, Mayor McCheese is right on this one...
>>>
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax".
<<<
http://www.journalrecord.com/article.cfm?recid=82966
Sales tax sharing proposal pits big cities vs. small towns
by Jeff Packham
The Journal Record
October 24, 2007
OKLAHOMA CITY – A tumbleweed rolls down the street as the wind howls in and around empty buildings in a town once thriving with people and economic activity.
This was an example of what small-town representatives painted for elected officials at the state Capitol on Tuesday as a proposal to redistribute sales tax revenues to help the smaller cities was discussed at length by members of the House Appropriations and Budget Subcommittee on Revenue and Taxation.
Wayne Dunham, mayor of Jay, said what once was a bustling retail economy in his 3,000-population city in the northeast corner of Oklahoma had withered down to a small Wal-Mart store and one other grocery store. He said Saturday mornings used to be a time when the locals were active up and down Main Street spending money on their needs.
“On Saturday morning now in Jay, you could shoot a shotgun down Main Street and not hit a soul,” Dunham said.
Nancy Shipley, city manager for Nowata, said most of those living in her town were now doing their shopping in other cities such as Owasso, Bartlesville, Tulsa, or even Coffeyville, Kan. She said the sales tax base had eroded down to nearly nothing, with most of those dollars going to other communities.
“We don’t have any tax base,” Shipley said. “We need all the help we can get.”
Ed Crone, director of Grand Gateway Authority, said these were just two examples of what reliance on the sales tax for municipalities had turned to in the past several decades. Crone said he had been seeking a change in this area for years, and that there had been 10 cities in the past five years that had realistically discussed “just folding the tents and going home.”
State Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, offered a recommendation as part of the interim study proposal to disperse some of the sales tax revenues in the bigger cities to those towns in need. Martin suggested putting the first penny for every dollar collected into a pool and redistributed based on population.
The proposal would help a town such as Achille improve the per-person sales tax from $73 a year to $183 per person. On the other end, Tulsa would lose 8 percent of its sales tax revenues and Oklahoma City would have to pay back 4 percent.
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett said he didn’t deny that Oklahoma City gained sales tax revenues from other communities when they came to the metro area to make purchases. However, he said local taxpayers also footed the bill for the Oklahoma City Zoo and the Civic Center Music Hall, yet other communities weren’t billed for their citizens going to those locations.
Cornett said those living in rural areas made that choice based on issues such as cleaner air and more room. He said those living in the metro areas also chose to live there based on what their needs were.
“There are the pluses and minuses and you have to be willing to accept both,” Cornett said.
Suburban communities like Bethany were mentioned as having significant problems with the sales tax due to having big-city problems but small-town funding. Cornett, however, said combining services such as the fire departments with a bigger city would eliminate the funding needs for at least one major area for cities facing this issue.
“They don’t need their own fire department,” Cornett said. “They choose to have their own fire department.”
Patrick Connelly, budget manager for the city of Tulsa, said he agreed with Cornett on wanting to stay away from a redistribution of the sales tax revenues. Cornett suggested looking at a source of city funding other than sales taxes and Connelly pointed to property taxes as an obvious solution.
Martin said he had looked at a variety of solutions including ad valorem taxes and taxation on services, but said there were far more barriers with those proposals than the one he decided to present to the committee members.
State Rep. Guy Liebmann, R-Oklahoma City, summed up the opposition by the larger cities on the proposal in pointing out that the taxpayers ultimately made the decisions on how their services would be funded. He said the same situation occurred when his ice company had expanded to the point in which he found someone willing to pay a significantly good price to buy it from him.
“That’s how you build a city,” Liebmann said. “You give them the best of everything and they’ll pay for it.”
Chairman Randy Terrill, R-Moore, said it was important to note that funds were available for rural towns for infrastructure needs through grants provided by Oklahoma as a way to address discrepancies in funding.
One has to ask what kind of BS is this...
>>>
Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
<<<
As much as it pain me to say, Mayor McCheese is right on this one...
>>>
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax".
<<<
http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?articleID=071024_1_A5_spanc00200
City official cool to idea of sharing sales taxes
By MICK HINTON World Capitol Bureau
10/24/2007
OKLAHOMA CITY -- A representative of Mayor Kathy Taylor's scoffed at the idea of taking sales taxes collected by Tulsa and giving them to outlying towns whose residents shop in the metro area.
Speaking Tuesday before the House Revenue and Tax Subcommittee, city Budget Director Pat Connelly said it would be devastating to city services, particularly the Police and Fire Departments.
Rep. Sreve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
He said rural residents shop in the larger towns but need the money to continue their local services.
Connelly said a better source of revenue would be a municipal property tax.
"That's the solution," he said, noting that municipalities in other states are collecting such taxes.
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax."
Revamping sales-tax distribution was one suggestion brought up at the meeting, which was called to examine the state tax code.
Committee Chairman Randy Terrill, R-Moore, asked officials for their views on eliminating grocery sales taxes.
Nowata City Manager Nancy Shipley said, "If they take the grocery and sales tax, they'll take our fire and police away, too."
Connelly said the proposal to take sales taxes from cities would cost Tulsa about $16 million.
For starters, he said, that could mean laying off 250 police officers.
Mick Hinton (405) 528-2465
mick.hinton@tulsaworld.com
>>>
Rep. Steve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
<<<
As much as it pain me to say, Mayor McCheese is right on this one...
>>>
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax".
<<<
http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?articleID=071024_1_A5_spanc00200
City official cool to idea of sharing sales taxes
By MICK HINTON World Capitol Bureau
10/24/2007
OKLAHOMA CITY -- A representative of Mayor Kathy Taylor's scoffed at the idea of taking sales taxes collected by Tulsa and giving them to outlying towns whose residents shop in the metro area.
Speaking Tuesday before the House Revenue and Tax Subcommittee, city Budget Director Pat Connelly said it would be devastating to city services, particularly the Police and Fire Departments.
Rep. Sreve Martin, R-Bartlesville, outlined a plan to take away from several cities -- including Tulsa and suburban communities -- 1 percent of their sales-tax revenue and give it to smaller towns.
He said rural residents shop in the larger towns but need the money to continue their local services.
Connelly said a better source of revenue would be a municipal property tax.
"That's the solution," he said, noting that municipalities in other states are collecting such taxes.
Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett characterized the idea as the "socialization of sales tax."
Revamping sales-tax distribution was one suggestion brought up at the meeting, which was called to examine the state tax code.
Committee Chairman Randy Terrill, R-Moore, asked officials for their views on eliminating grocery sales taxes.
Nowata City Manager Nancy Shipley said, "If they take the grocery and sales tax, they'll take our fire and police away, too."
Connelly said the proposal to take sales taxes from cities would cost Tulsa about $16 million.
For starters, he said, that could mean laying off 250 police officers.
Mick Hinton (405) 528-2465
mick.hinton@tulsaworld.com
Tuesday, October 23, 2007
http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?articleID=071023_1__OKLAH11081
More legislators turn down copies of the Quran
By World Capitol Bureau
10/23/2007 12:23 PM
Last Modified: 10/23/2007 1:08 PM
OKLAHOMA CITY -- Six lawmakers in the 101-member House of Representatives have joined Rep. Rex Duncan, R-Sand Springs, in refusing a copy of the Quran.
The holy book of the Muslim religion was offered as a centennial gift by the Governor's Ethnic American Advisory Council.
Duncan refused a copy saying that "Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology.
Allison Moore of Tulsa, who converted to the Muslim faith more than a decade ago, said Tuesday that the lawmaker is taking out of context what the Quran says.
"We do not condone suicide bombers any more than the Christians."
According to the governor's council, other Republican representatives declining a copy of the Quran are David Derby of Owasso, Guy Liebmann of Oklahoma City, Scott Martin of Norman, Mark McCullough of Sapulpa, Mike Reynolds of Oklahoma City, and Susan Winchester of Chickasha.
More legislators turn down copies of the Quran
By World Capitol Bureau
10/23/2007 12:23 PM
Last Modified: 10/23/2007 1:08 PM
OKLAHOMA CITY -- Six lawmakers in the 101-member House of Representatives have joined Rep. Rex Duncan, R-Sand Springs, in refusing a copy of the Quran.
The holy book of the Muslim religion was offered as a centennial gift by the Governor's Ethnic American Advisory Council.
Duncan refused a copy saying that "Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology.
Allison Moore of Tulsa, who converted to the Muslim faith more than a decade ago, said Tuesday that the lawmaker is taking out of context what the Quran says.
"We do not condone suicide bombers any more than the Christians."
According to the governor's council, other Republican representatives declining a copy of the Quran are David Derby of Owasso, Guy Liebmann of Oklahoma City, Scott Martin of Norman, Mark McCullough of Sapulpa, Mike Reynolds of Oklahoma City, and Susan Winchester of Chickasha.
Monday, October 22, 2007
Rep. Duncan Objects to 'Centennial' Copy Of Quran
State Rep. Rex Duncan, R-Sand Springs, has written other legislators in objecting to being sent a "Centennial" copy of the Quran, compliments of the Governor's Ethnic American Advisory Council.
Duncan wrote his fellow legislators Monday that he is refusing a copy of the Quran because, ''Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology.''
Marjaneh Seirafi-Pour, a Muslim, chairwoman of the governor's council, said she received a call from Duncan wondering whether state money was used to buy the books.
''Members of the Oklahoma Muslim community paid for copies of the Quran,'' she said. ''We are not trying to force anything on anyone. This is a peaceful, thoughtful project to introduce ourselves to leaders.''
State Rep. Rex Duncan, R-Sand Springs, has written other legislators in objecting to being sent a "Centennial" copy of the Quran, compliments of the Governor's Ethnic American Advisory Council.
Duncan wrote his fellow legislators Monday that he is refusing a copy of the Quran because, ''Most Oklahomans do not endorse the idea of killing innocent women and children in the name of ideology.''
Marjaneh Seirafi-Pour, a Muslim, chairwoman of the governor's council, said she received a call from Duncan wondering whether state money was used to buy the books.
''Members of the Oklahoma Muslim community paid for copies of the Quran,'' she said. ''We are not trying to force anything on anyone. This is a peaceful, thoughtful project to introduce ourselves to leaders.''
Thursday, October 18, 2007
Legislator Wants Stipe's Name Removed From Capitol Dome
Calls it an embarassment.
By Jerry Bohnen
Wednesday, October 17, 2007
Republican State Representative Mike Reynolds figures former State Senator Gene Stipe is enough of an embarassment for the State, so he's calling for the removal of Stipe's name chiseled into the dome of the State Capitol.
"I think we need to carefully evalute whether or not it's appropriate to have the Stipe family memorialized on the dome of the capitol," said Reynolds in an interview with KTOK's Peter J. Rudy. But he also explained that the dome is not owned by the State of Oklahoma--rather by a foundation so it would be up to the foundation to remove the name.
"You know--I might even vote for a tax increase if they chisel his name off," remarked the Republican legislator.
Stipe's legal problems have grown in the past year.
First he came under a federal investigation for his alleged role in a scheme of bribery and funneling state money to his private business interests; then the government started efforts to revoke his probation from a previous campaign contrbution scheme and conviction.
This week, a federal prison psychologist form Springfield, Missouri said that after conducting medical and psychological tests on the 80 year old Stipe, he determined Stipe was not mentally competent to handle the revocation hearing in Muskogee federal court.
http://www.ktok.com/cc-common/mainheadlines2.html?feed=119211&article=2800211
Calls it an embarassment.
By Jerry Bohnen
Wednesday, October 17, 2007
Republican State Representative Mike Reynolds figures former State Senator Gene Stipe is enough of an embarassment for the State, so he's calling for the removal of Stipe's name chiseled into the dome of the State Capitol.
"I think we need to carefully evalute whether or not it's appropriate to have the Stipe family memorialized on the dome of the capitol," said Reynolds in an interview with KTOK's Peter J. Rudy. But he also explained that the dome is not owned by the State of Oklahoma--rather by a foundation so it would be up to the foundation to remove the name.
"You know--I might even vote for a tax increase if they chisel his name off," remarked the Republican legislator.
Stipe's legal problems have grown in the past year.
First he came under a federal investigation for his alleged role in a scheme of bribery and funneling state money to his private business interests; then the government started efforts to revoke his probation from a previous campaign contrbution scheme and conviction.
This week, a federal prison psychologist form Springfield, Missouri said that after conducting medical and psychological tests on the 80 year old Stipe, he determined Stipe was not mentally competent to handle the revocation hearing in Muskogee federal court.
http://www.ktok.com/cc-common/mainheadlines2.html?feed=119211&article=2800211
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
Boren Paces Congressional Fundraising
Congressman Dan Boren, D-2nd District, paced the members of the Oklahoma delegation in campaign
fundraising from July 1 to September 30, collecting $190,297 for his planned reelection bid.
He now has $736,578 on hand.
Congresswoman Mary Fallin, R-5th District, raised $175,000 and now has $340,511 on hand.
Congressman Tom Cole, R-4th District, raised $106,000 and has $477,075 on hand.
Congressman Frank Lucas, R-3rd District, raised $49,224 and has $335,824 on hand.
Congressman John Sullivan, R-1st District, raised $66,774 and has $358,607 on hand.
Congressman Dan Boren, D-2nd District, paced the members of the Oklahoma delegation in campaign
fundraising from July 1 to September 30, collecting $190,297 for his planned reelection bid.
He now has $736,578 on hand.
Congresswoman Mary Fallin, R-5th District, raised $175,000 and now has $340,511 on hand.
Congressman Tom Cole, R-4th District, raised $106,000 and has $477,075 on hand.
Congressman Frank Lucas, R-3rd District, raised $49,224 and has $335,824 on hand.
Congressman John Sullivan, R-1st District, raised $66,774 and has $358,607 on hand.
Jones: Romney Visit Wasn't Long Enough
From NewsRadio 1000 KTOK ~ The visit last week to Oklahoma by GOP Presidential hopeful Mitt Romney wasn't long enough to suit Gary Jones, the State Republican party chairman.
Romney stopped in Oklahoma City last week for 3 hours, long enough to have lunch privately with 50 supporters who contributed up to $2,300 each for the Skirvin Hotel event.
By 3pm, he was gone and made no public appearances. Not long enough, according to Jones and he wants other candidates to remember.
"From the party standpoint, we wish they'd spend a little more time, visit with the voters and visit with the Republicans," said Jones in an interview on KTOK's 1st News with Reid Mullins. "They're gonna have to win the delegate votes in order to be the nominee and not just pick up checks on the way in and out."
Ben Odom, a Democratic party executive, agreed and said it opens the door to any second tier presidential candidate to win the state: "You've got states like Oklahoma where if anyone comes in here, they could pick up Oklahoma just by being here and being on the ground and being seen in Pauls Valley, Purcell and Edmond."
"Ben's right," added Jones. "The Democrats, if somebody gets 30%, they get 30% of the delegates. In Oklahoma, if you get the most, you get the delegates."
From NewsRadio 1000 KTOK ~ The visit last week to Oklahoma by GOP Presidential hopeful Mitt Romney wasn't long enough to suit Gary Jones, the State Republican party chairman.
Romney stopped in Oklahoma City last week for 3 hours, long enough to have lunch privately with 50 supporters who contributed up to $2,300 each for the Skirvin Hotel event.
By 3pm, he was gone and made no public appearances. Not long enough, according to Jones and he wants other candidates to remember.
"From the party standpoint, we wish they'd spend a little more time, visit with the voters and visit with the Republicans," said Jones in an interview on KTOK's 1st News with Reid Mullins. "They're gonna have to win the delegate votes in order to be the nominee and not just pick up checks on the way in and out."
Ben Odom, a Democratic party executive, agreed and said it opens the door to any second tier presidential candidate to win the state: "You've got states like Oklahoma where if anyone comes in here, they could pick up Oklahoma just by being here and being on the ground and being seen in Pauls Valley, Purcell and Edmond."
"Ben's right," added Jones. "The Democrats, if somebody gets 30%, they get 30% of the delegates. In Oklahoma, if you get the most, you get the delegates."
Sources questioning GOP contributions related
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
By Scott Cooper
Amid the backdrop of a current investigation into Republican campaign contributions from 2004, sources inside the party have questioned contributions made for a vote recount last November.
Rep. Todd Thomsen, R-Ada, won House District 25 last year after a recount declared him the winner two weeks following the election. The House Republican leadership organized a fund-raising effort to aid Thomsen in his recount request.
Sources said it was at a caucus meeting after the election where contributions were solicited for the recount.
According to campaign reports, five House Republicans wrote checks to the Oklahoma County Republican Committee on the day of the meeting.
Two of those members told Oklahoma Gazette their contributions were intended to aid Thomsen’s recount effort.
EARMARKING CONTRIBUTIONS?
Contributions from candidates to parties or committees cannot be earmarked, said University of Oklahoma political science professor and election law expert Keith Gaddie. Records show the county committee did not give any money for the vote recount.
Rep. Trebor Worthen, R-Oklahoma City, said he checked with the state Ethics Commission before raising any funds
and reporying contributions.
http://www.okgazette.com
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
By Scott Cooper
Amid the backdrop of a current investigation into Republican campaign contributions from 2004, sources inside the party have questioned contributions made for a vote recount last November.
Rep. Todd Thomsen, R-Ada, won House District 25 last year after a recount declared him the winner two weeks following the election. The House Republican leadership organized a fund-raising effort to aid Thomsen in his recount request.
Sources said it was at a caucus meeting after the election where contributions were solicited for the recount.
According to campaign reports, five House Republicans wrote checks to the Oklahoma County Republican Committee on the day of the meeting.
Two of those members told Oklahoma Gazette their contributions were intended to aid Thomsen’s recount effort.
EARMARKING CONTRIBUTIONS?
Contributions from candidates to parties or committees cannot be earmarked, said University of Oklahoma political science professor and election law expert Keith Gaddie. Records show the county committee did not give any money for the vote recount.
Rep. Trebor Worthen, R-Oklahoma City, said he checked with the state Ethics Commission before raising any funds
and reporying contributions.
http://www.okgazette.com
Sun October 14, 2007
Remembering scandals as political fraud claims linger
By Tony Thornton
Staff Writer
One former legislator already has admitted taking kickbacks.
Two others have been named as targets, as has the state's auditor and inspector. And one of the most powerful politicians of Oklahoma's first century has been indicted.
So how does the corruption scandal that has ensnared all those people stack up against others from Oklahoma's relatively brief history?
It ranks, at most, a distant second, said two people quite familiar with such things.
Oklahoma's biggest corruption scandal, by far, remains the county commissioner investigation of the early 1980s, said Keith Gaddie, political science professor at the University of Oklahoma.
"That was one of the most far-reaching investigations of local political corruption ever done in the United States,” Gaddie said.
He didn't flinch before proclaiming the county commissioner scandal bigger than the current grand jury investigation.
"There were so many people profiting from it,” Gaddie said. "Besides that, with this Little Dixie scandal, it's not as dangerous for the people blowing the whistle.”
Probe touched almost every county
The commissioner probe ended in early 1984 with more than 230 convictions or guilty pleas. "Okscam,” as it became known, netted convictions in 60 of Oklahoma's 77 counties. Those convicted included 110 sitting county commissioners and numerous other prior office-holders and contractors.
Graft among county commissioners was so ingrained, so accepted, one western Oklahoma candidate promised to accept no more than the customary 10 percent kickback from contractors if elected, Gaddie said.
To Bill Price, no other case compares to the county commissioner scandal in terms of exposed public corruption.
Price oversaw the Okscam prosecutions and helped send former Gov. David Hall to prison in 1975.
Price recalled that many commissioners saw kickbacks as an inherent perk of the office. They were commissioners, after all. What they took from vendors were simply commissions, the reasoning went.
That practice "went all the way back to statehood,” he said.
Price noted, however, that few, if any of those commissioners reported the extra "income” on their taxes or talked about it openly.
In fact, no commissioner testified against another, he said.
The reason: Their deals with equipment and material suppliers were so private, one commissioner never knew how much a colleague was getting, Price said.
The kickbacks caused a 40 percent increase in costs paid by counties, Price said.
As he considered other scandals of his lifetime, two thoughts came to Price:
•"We've sure had a lot of political corruption scandals.”
•The ongoing investigation involving southeast Oklahoma probably ranks second, even ahead of the prosecutions of Hall and Gov. David Walters, Price's opponent in the 1990 general election.
"The way they (prosecutors) ultimately treated it, it was not as severe as this, and they couldn't prove a quid-pro-quo,” he said.
Walters was indicted on eight felony charges involving illegal campaign contributions. He was allowed to plead guilty to one misdemeanor. The felonies were dropped.
Current investigation still ongoing
A federal grand jury has spent more than a year investigating political corruption focused in southeast Oklahoma.
It delivered its first indictments Oct. 5, when it leveled conspiracy and other charges against former state Sen. Gene Stipe and his brother Francis.
The indictment accuses them of paying kickbacks to former state Rep. Mike Mass, who was head of the House appropriations committee when he earmarked several hundred thousand dollars for a McAlester dog food plant built on Stipe's property.
Francis Stipe was on the private foundation that passed on the state money to Gene Stipe's then-business partner, Steve Phipps.
Phipps and Mass pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges before the grand jury could indict them. Phipps admitted paying kickbacks to two other legislators.
FBI documents allege Gene Stipe also oversaw several schemes to get favored political candidates elected by using "straw donors” to get around contribution limits. He already is on probation for doing that in a 1998 congressional race.
People identified by the FBI as Stipe-backed straw donors to Dan Boren's 2004 congressional campaign also gave heavily to the 2002 campaigns of Gov. Brad Henry, state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and Mass, who ran for Congress that year, records show.
The grand jury's term, already extended once, recently was extended again until March, indicating more indictments are forthcoming.
Known targets include state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and former state Reps. Randall Erwin and Jerry Hefner. All are Democrats, as are Gene Stipe and Mass.
The three categories of graft
Gaddie, a professor at OU since 1996, has written eight books, including two almanacs of Oklahoma politics.
He said political corruption involves one of three scales:
•Small and episodic — Typically confined to one local official seeking personal gain.
•Small but widespread — Several local officials operating independently of each other to fleece the public, as with the county commissioner scandal.
•Big — Massive efforts by politicians to use and abuse their position for expansive profit.
"If we're looking at this stuff with Mass and Stipe and the straw donors, that clearly fits in the category of big,” Gaddie said.
Stipe arguably is the most powerful legislator in Oklahoma history. Gaddie calls him one of the most powerful state legislators in U.S. history.
Corrupt culture predates statehood
There's a reason Oklahoma's political history is so colorful, Gaddie said. It dates to the land run of 1889, when the first "Sooners” broke the law by staking their claims before the gunshot that signaled the land run's opening.
It didn't take long for that spirit to envelop Oklahoma's political landscape, Gaddie said.
"Our government had the same kind of wildcatter attitude as our main two industries, coal and oil,” he said. "In a way, we kind of made up the rules as we went along.”
http://newsok.com/article/keyword/3147194/
Remembering scandals as political fraud claims linger
By Tony Thornton
Staff Writer
One former legislator already has admitted taking kickbacks.
Two others have been named as targets, as has the state's auditor and inspector. And one of the most powerful politicians of Oklahoma's first century has been indicted.
So how does the corruption scandal that has ensnared all those people stack up against others from Oklahoma's relatively brief history?
It ranks, at most, a distant second, said two people quite familiar with such things.
Oklahoma's biggest corruption scandal, by far, remains the county commissioner investigation of the early 1980s, said Keith Gaddie, political science professor at the University of Oklahoma.
"That was one of the most far-reaching investigations of local political corruption ever done in the United States,” Gaddie said.
He didn't flinch before proclaiming the county commissioner scandal bigger than the current grand jury investigation.
"There were so many people profiting from it,” Gaddie said. "Besides that, with this Little Dixie scandal, it's not as dangerous for the people blowing the whistle.”
Probe touched almost every county
The commissioner probe ended in early 1984 with more than 230 convictions or guilty pleas. "Okscam,” as it became known, netted convictions in 60 of Oklahoma's 77 counties. Those convicted included 110 sitting county commissioners and numerous other prior office-holders and contractors.
Graft among county commissioners was so ingrained, so accepted, one western Oklahoma candidate promised to accept no more than the customary 10 percent kickback from contractors if elected, Gaddie said.
To Bill Price, no other case compares to the county commissioner scandal in terms of exposed public corruption.
Price oversaw the Okscam prosecutions and helped send former Gov. David Hall to prison in 1975.
Price recalled that many commissioners saw kickbacks as an inherent perk of the office. They were commissioners, after all. What they took from vendors were simply commissions, the reasoning went.
That practice "went all the way back to statehood,” he said.
Price noted, however, that few, if any of those commissioners reported the extra "income” on their taxes or talked about it openly.
In fact, no commissioner testified against another, he said.
The reason: Their deals with equipment and material suppliers were so private, one commissioner never knew how much a colleague was getting, Price said.
The kickbacks caused a 40 percent increase in costs paid by counties, Price said.
As he considered other scandals of his lifetime, two thoughts came to Price:
•"We've sure had a lot of political corruption scandals.”
•The ongoing investigation involving southeast Oklahoma probably ranks second, even ahead of the prosecutions of Hall and Gov. David Walters, Price's opponent in the 1990 general election.
"The way they (prosecutors) ultimately treated it, it was not as severe as this, and they couldn't prove a quid-pro-quo,” he said.
Walters was indicted on eight felony charges involving illegal campaign contributions. He was allowed to plead guilty to one misdemeanor. The felonies were dropped.
Current investigation still ongoing
A federal grand jury has spent more than a year investigating political corruption focused in southeast Oklahoma.
It delivered its first indictments Oct. 5, when it leveled conspiracy and other charges against former state Sen. Gene Stipe and his brother Francis.
The indictment accuses them of paying kickbacks to former state Rep. Mike Mass, who was head of the House appropriations committee when he earmarked several hundred thousand dollars for a McAlester dog food plant built on Stipe's property.
Francis Stipe was on the private foundation that passed on the state money to Gene Stipe's then-business partner, Steve Phipps.
Phipps and Mass pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges before the grand jury could indict them. Phipps admitted paying kickbacks to two other legislators.
FBI documents allege Gene Stipe also oversaw several schemes to get favored political candidates elected by using "straw donors” to get around contribution limits. He already is on probation for doing that in a 1998 congressional race.
People identified by the FBI as Stipe-backed straw donors to Dan Boren's 2004 congressional campaign also gave heavily to the 2002 campaigns of Gov. Brad Henry, state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and Mass, who ran for Congress that year, records show.
The grand jury's term, already extended once, recently was extended again until March, indicating more indictments are forthcoming.
Known targets include state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and former state Reps. Randall Erwin and Jerry Hefner. All are Democrats, as are Gene Stipe and Mass.
The three categories of graft
Gaddie, a professor at OU since 1996, has written eight books, including two almanacs of Oklahoma politics.
He said political corruption involves one of three scales:
•Small and episodic — Typically confined to one local official seeking personal gain.
•Small but widespread — Several local officials operating independently of each other to fleece the public, as with the county commissioner scandal.
•Big — Massive efforts by politicians to use and abuse their position for expansive profit.
"If we're looking at this stuff with Mass and Stipe and the straw donors, that clearly fits in the category of big,” Gaddie said.
Stipe arguably is the most powerful legislator in Oklahoma history. Gaddie calls him one of the most powerful state legislators in U.S. history.
Corrupt culture predates statehood
There's a reason Oklahoma's political history is so colorful, Gaddie said. It dates to the land run of 1889, when the first "Sooners” broke the law by staking their claims before the gunshot that signaled the land run's opening.
It didn't take long for that spirit to envelop Oklahoma's political landscape, Gaddie said.
"Our government had the same kind of wildcatter attitude as our main two industries, coal and oil,” he said. "In a way, we kind of made up the rules as we went along.”
http://newsok.com/article/keyword/3147194/
Cargill choice of caucus for second term
By Associated Press
10/16/2007 11:37 AM
OKLAHOMA CITY -- State Rep. Lance Cargill of Harrah has been nominated by the Republican House caucus to be speaker for a second two-year term in 2009 and 2010.
Cargill's spokesman, Damon Gardenhire, says the action was taken at a caucus meeting Tuesday in Ardmore, where House Republicans are holding their fall retreat.
Cargill drew a challenge from Rep. John Wright of Broken Arrow, the GOP caucus chairman.
Wright is an advocate of more openness in the legislative process, voting against motions to cut off debate and urging more consideration of bills in committee.
Cargill was elected earlier this year to lead the House for 2007 and 2008. He succeeded Todd Hiett, who was term-limited and lost a race for lieutenant governor.
By Associated Press
10/16/2007 11:37 AM
OKLAHOMA CITY -- State Rep. Lance Cargill of Harrah has been nominated by the Republican House caucus to be speaker for a second two-year term in 2009 and 2010.
Cargill's spokesman, Damon Gardenhire, says the action was taken at a caucus meeting Tuesday in Ardmore, where House Republicans are holding their fall retreat.
Cargill drew a challenge from Rep. John Wright of Broken Arrow, the GOP caucus chairman.
Wright is an advocate of more openness in the legislative process, voting against motions to cut off debate and urging more consideration of bills in committee.
Cargill was elected earlier this year to lead the House for 2007 and 2008. He succeeded Todd Hiett, who was term-limited and lost a race for lieutenant governor.
Former OSU President Eyes Morgan Senate Seat
Former OSU President James Halligan says "a lot of people" have talked to him about running for the state Senate seat being vacated in 2008 by Senate Co-President Pro Tem Mike Morgan, D-Stillwater.
Morgan is prevented by term limits from seeking another term.
"I have changed my registration to Republican," Halligan said. "We have had a lot of people talk to us, and no decision has been made."
Halligan said he had been registered as an independent to encourage both sides of the political spectrum to donate to the university. He registered as a Republican this summer, he said.
Former OSU President James Halligan says "a lot of people" have talked to him about running for the state Senate seat being vacated in 2008 by Senate Co-President Pro Tem Mike Morgan, D-Stillwater.
Morgan is prevented by term limits from seeking another term.
"I have changed my registration to Republican," Halligan said. "We have had a lot of people talk to us, and no decision has been made."
Halligan said he had been registered as an independent to encourage both sides of the political spectrum to donate to the university. He registered as a Republican this summer, he said.
http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?articleID=071016_1_A12_spanc18843
Lawmaker's DUI charge upgraded
By RHETT MORGAN World Staff Writer
10/16/2007
HUGO -- A state legislator's blood-alcohol level after an August traffic accident in Choctaw County was 0.16 percent, twice the legal limit for operating a motor vehicle.
Prosecutors filed an amended charge Monday of aggravated driving under the influence against state Sen. Jeff Rabon, D-Hugo, said Laura Ross Wallis, the district attorney for Choctaw, McCurtain and Pushmataha counties.
A misdemeanor charge of aggravated driving under the influence can be filed when the blood-alcohol content is 0.15 or higher. The legal threshold for DUI is 0.08.
Wallis amended the count after reviewing the results of Rabon's post-crash blood test.
A senator since 1996, Rabon, 45, failed a field sobriety test after the three-vehicle crash Aug. 27 that sent a woman to a hospital with minor injuries, authorities said. Rabon did not submit to a breath-analysis test, but blood was drawn from him at a hospital.
If convicted of the DUI count, Rabon faces as much as a year in jail and a $1,000 fine.
Vaughn Patterson of Hugo said he was driving a 1999 Ford pickup on U.S. 70 in Hugo when a red vehicle, described in reports as a 2003 Chevrolet Tahoe, struck his truck and then a third vehicle.
Patterson said he approached the driver, who identified himself as Rabon and who "smelled like a brewery."
Rabon has previous alcohol-related convictions, but a statute of limitations in state drunken-driving laws precluded him from being charged with a felony in connection with his most recent arrest.
A felony DUI charge can be filed for a second offense, but only if the conviction for the first offense occurred within 10 previous years, by law.
Tulsa County District Court records show that Rabon was convicted in 1990 in two alcohol-related cases, one for driving under the influence of an intoxicating liquor and another for actual physical control of a motor vehicle while intoxicated.
Lawmaker's DUI charge upgraded
By RHETT MORGAN World Staff Writer
10/16/2007
HUGO -- A state legislator's blood-alcohol level after an August traffic accident in Choctaw County was 0.16 percent, twice the legal limit for operating a motor vehicle.
Prosecutors filed an amended charge Monday of aggravated driving under the influence against state Sen. Jeff Rabon, D-Hugo, said Laura Ross Wallis, the district attorney for Choctaw, McCurtain and Pushmataha counties.
A misdemeanor charge of aggravated driving under the influence can be filed when the blood-alcohol content is 0.15 or higher. The legal threshold for DUI is 0.08.
Wallis amended the count after reviewing the results of Rabon's post-crash blood test.
A senator since 1996, Rabon, 45, failed a field sobriety test after the three-vehicle crash Aug. 27 that sent a woman to a hospital with minor injuries, authorities said. Rabon did not submit to a breath-analysis test, but blood was drawn from him at a hospital.
If convicted of the DUI count, Rabon faces as much as a year in jail and a $1,000 fine.
Vaughn Patterson of Hugo said he was driving a 1999 Ford pickup on U.S. 70 in Hugo when a red vehicle, described in reports as a 2003 Chevrolet Tahoe, struck his truck and then a third vehicle.
Patterson said he approached the driver, who identified himself as Rabon and who "smelled like a brewery."
Rabon has previous alcohol-related convictions, but a statute of limitations in state drunken-driving laws precluded him from being charged with a felony in connection with his most recent arrest.
A felony DUI charge can be filed for a second offense, but only if the conviction for the first offense occurred within 10 previous years, by law.
Tulsa County District Court records show that Rabon was convicted in 1990 in two alcohol-related cases, one for driving under the influence of an intoxicating liquor and another for actual physical control of a motor vehicle while intoxicated.
Sunday, October 14, 2007
http://www.ktok.com/
Sunday, October 14, 2007
Romney's Strange, Silent Trip To Oklahoma City
From NewsRadio 1000 KTOK ~ Former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney, seeking the Republican presidential nomination, slipped quietly into Oklahoma City on Thursday but avoided publicity.
A spokeswoman at Romney's campaign headquarters in Boston, Massachusetts confirmed to KTOK that Romney was in Oklahoma City, but "there won't be any public or press availability."
The spokeswoman declined to say where Romney was in the city and would not offer any more details of his quiet visit to Oklahoma. A press spokesman later indicated that the visit was for a private fundraiser.
His visit is fresh off the Tuesday night GOP Presidential debate at which time former U.S. Senator Fred Thompson took part for the first occasion.
One of those attending the event, former Republican Congressman Ernest Istook, confirmed it was a fundraiser at the Skirvin Hotel. The cost to attend started at $500 a plate and about 50 to 100 supporters were expected.
Sunday, October 14, 2007
Romney's Strange, Silent Trip To Oklahoma City
From NewsRadio 1000 KTOK ~ Former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney, seeking the Republican presidential nomination, slipped quietly into Oklahoma City on Thursday but avoided publicity.
A spokeswoman at Romney's campaign headquarters in Boston, Massachusetts confirmed to KTOK that Romney was in Oklahoma City, but "there won't be any public or press availability."
The spokeswoman declined to say where Romney was in the city and would not offer any more details of his quiet visit to Oklahoma. A press spokesman later indicated that the visit was for a private fundraiser.
His visit is fresh off the Tuesday night GOP Presidential debate at which time former U.S. Senator Fred Thompson took part for the first occasion.
One of those attending the event, former Republican Congressman Ernest Istook, confirmed it was a fundraiser at the Skirvin Hotel. The cost to attend started at $500 a plate and about 50 to 100 supporters were expected.
http://newsok.com/article/keyword/3147194/
Sun October 14, 2007
Remembering scandals as political fraud claims linger
By Tony Thornton
Staff Writer
One former legislator already has admitted taking kickbacks.
Two others have been named as targets, as has the state's auditor and inspector. And one of the most powerful politicians of Oklahoma's first century has been indicted.
So how does the corruption scandal that has ensnared all those people stack up against others from Oklahoma's relatively brief history?
It ranks, at most, a distant second, said two people quite familiar with such things.
Oklahoma's biggest corruption scandal, by far, remains the county commissioner investigation of the early 1980s, said Keith Gaddie, political science professor at the University of Oklahoma.
"That was one of the most far-reaching investigations of local political corruption ever done in the United States,” Gaddie said.
He didn't flinch before proclaiming the county commissioner scandal bigger than the current grand jury investigation.
"There were so many people profiting from it,” Gaddie said. "Besides that, with this Little Dixie scandal, it's not as dangerous for the people blowing the whistle.”
Probe touched almost every county
The commissioner probe ended in early 1984 with more than 230 convictions or guilty pleas. "Okscam,” as it became known, netted convictions in 60 of Oklahoma's 77 counties. Those convicted included 110 sitting county commissioners and numerous other prior office-holders and contractors.
Graft among county commissioners was so ingrained, so accepted, one western Oklahoma candidate promised to accept no more than the customary 10 percent kickback from contractors if elected, Gaddie said.
To Bill Price, no other case compares to the county commissioner scandal in terms of exposed public corruption.
Price oversaw the Okscam prosecutions and helped send former Gov. David Hall to prison in 1975.
Price recalled that many commissioners saw kickbacks as an inherent perk of the office. They were commissioners, after all. What they took from vendors were simply commissions, the reasoning went.
That practice "went all the way back to statehood,” he said.
Price noted, however, that few, if any of those commissioners reported the extra "income” on their taxes or talked about it openly.
In fact, no commissioner testified against another, he said.
The reason: Their deals with equipment and material suppliers were so private, one commissioner never knew how much a colleague was getting, Price said.
The kickbacks caused a 40 percent increase in costs paid by counties, Price said.
As he considered other scandals of his lifetime, two thoughts came to Price:
•"We've sure had a lot of political corruption scandals.”
•The ongoing investigation involving southeast Oklahoma probably ranks second, even ahead of the prosecutions of Hall and Gov. David Walters, Price's opponent in the 1990 general election.
"The way they (prosecutors) ultimately treated it, it was not as severe as this, and they couldn't prove a quid-pro-quo,” he said.
Walters was indicted on eight felony charges involving illegal campaign contributions. He was allowed to plead guilty to one misdemeanor. The felonies were dropped.
Current investigation still ongoing
A federal grand jury has spent more than a year investigating political corruption focused in southeast Oklahoma.
It delivered its first indictments Oct. 5, when it leveled conspiracy and other charges against former state Sen. Gene Stipe and his brother Francis.
The indictment accuses them of paying kickbacks to former state Rep. Mike Mass, who was head of the House appropriations committee when he earmarked several hundred thousand dollars for a McAlester dog food plant built on Stipe's property.
Francis Stipe was on the private foundation that passed on the state money to Gene Stipe's then-business partner, Steve Phipps.
Phipps and Mass pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges before the grand jury could indict them. Phipps admitted paying kickbacks to two other legislators.
FBI documents allege Gene Stipe also oversaw several schemes to get favored political candidates elected by using "straw donors” to get around contribution limits. He already is on probation for doing that in a 1998 congressional race.
People identified by the FBI as Stipe-backed straw donors to Dan Boren's 2004 congressional campaign also gave heavily to the 2002 campaigns of Gov. Brad Henry, state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and Mass, who ran for Congress that year, records show.
The grand jury's term, already extended once, recently was extended again until March, indicating more indictments are forthcoming.
Known targets include state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and former state Reps. Randall Erwin and Jerry Hefner. All are Democrats, as are Gene Stipe and Mass.
The three categories of graft
Gaddie, a professor at OU since 1996, has written eight books, including two almanacs of Oklahoma politics.
He said political corruption involves one of three scales:
•Small and episodic — Typically confined to one local official seeking personal gain.
•Small but widespread — Several local officials operating independently of each other to fleece the public, as with the county commissioner scandal.
•Big — Massive efforts by politicians to use and abuse their position for expansive profit.
"If we're looking at this stuff with Mass and Stipe and the straw donors, that clearly fits in the category of big,” Gaddie said.
Stipe arguably is the most powerful legislator in Oklahoma history. Gaddie calls him one of the most powerful state legislators in U.S. history.
Corrupt culture predates statehood
There's a reason Oklahoma's political history is so colorful, Gaddie said. It dates to the land run of 1889, when the first "Sooners” broke the law by staking their claims before the gunshot that signaled the land run's opening.
It didn't take long for that spirit to envelop Oklahoma's political landscape, Gaddie said.
"Our government had the same kind of wildcatter attitude as our main two industries, coal and oil,” he said. "In a way, we kind of made up the rules as we went along.”
Sun October 14, 2007
Remembering scandals as political fraud claims linger
By Tony Thornton
Staff Writer
One former legislator already has admitted taking kickbacks.
Two others have been named as targets, as has the state's auditor and inspector. And one of the most powerful politicians of Oklahoma's first century has been indicted.
So how does the corruption scandal that has ensnared all those people stack up against others from Oklahoma's relatively brief history?
It ranks, at most, a distant second, said two people quite familiar with such things.
Oklahoma's biggest corruption scandal, by far, remains the county commissioner investigation of the early 1980s, said Keith Gaddie, political science professor at the University of Oklahoma.
"That was one of the most far-reaching investigations of local political corruption ever done in the United States,” Gaddie said.
He didn't flinch before proclaiming the county commissioner scandal bigger than the current grand jury investigation.
"There were so many people profiting from it,” Gaddie said. "Besides that, with this Little Dixie scandal, it's not as dangerous for the people blowing the whistle.”
Probe touched almost every county
The commissioner probe ended in early 1984 with more than 230 convictions or guilty pleas. "Okscam,” as it became known, netted convictions in 60 of Oklahoma's 77 counties. Those convicted included 110 sitting county commissioners and numerous other prior office-holders and contractors.
Graft among county commissioners was so ingrained, so accepted, one western Oklahoma candidate promised to accept no more than the customary 10 percent kickback from contractors if elected, Gaddie said.
To Bill Price, no other case compares to the county commissioner scandal in terms of exposed public corruption.
Price oversaw the Okscam prosecutions and helped send former Gov. David Hall to prison in 1975.
Price recalled that many commissioners saw kickbacks as an inherent perk of the office. They were commissioners, after all. What they took from vendors were simply commissions, the reasoning went.
That practice "went all the way back to statehood,” he said.
Price noted, however, that few, if any of those commissioners reported the extra "income” on their taxes or talked about it openly.
In fact, no commissioner testified against another, he said.
The reason: Their deals with equipment and material suppliers were so private, one commissioner never knew how much a colleague was getting, Price said.
The kickbacks caused a 40 percent increase in costs paid by counties, Price said.
As he considered other scandals of his lifetime, two thoughts came to Price:
•"We've sure had a lot of political corruption scandals.”
•The ongoing investigation involving southeast Oklahoma probably ranks second, even ahead of the prosecutions of Hall and Gov. David Walters, Price's opponent in the 1990 general election.
"The way they (prosecutors) ultimately treated it, it was not as severe as this, and they couldn't prove a quid-pro-quo,” he said.
Walters was indicted on eight felony charges involving illegal campaign contributions. He was allowed to plead guilty to one misdemeanor. The felonies were dropped.
Current investigation still ongoing
A federal grand jury has spent more than a year investigating political corruption focused in southeast Oklahoma.
It delivered its first indictments Oct. 5, when it leveled conspiracy and other charges against former state Sen. Gene Stipe and his brother Francis.
The indictment accuses them of paying kickbacks to former state Rep. Mike Mass, who was head of the House appropriations committee when he earmarked several hundred thousand dollars for a McAlester dog food plant built on Stipe's property.
Francis Stipe was on the private foundation that passed on the state money to Gene Stipe's then-business partner, Steve Phipps.
Phipps and Mass pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges before the grand jury could indict them. Phipps admitted paying kickbacks to two other legislators.
FBI documents allege Gene Stipe also oversaw several schemes to get favored political candidates elected by using "straw donors” to get around contribution limits. He already is on probation for doing that in a 1998 congressional race.
People identified by the FBI as Stipe-backed straw donors to Dan Boren's 2004 congressional campaign also gave heavily to the 2002 campaigns of Gov. Brad Henry, state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and Mass, who ran for Congress that year, records show.
The grand jury's term, already extended once, recently was extended again until March, indicating more indictments are forthcoming.
Known targets include state Auditor and Inspector Jeff McMahan and former state Reps. Randall Erwin and Jerry Hefner. All are Democrats, as are Gene Stipe and Mass.
The three categories of graft
Gaddie, a professor at OU since 1996, has written eight books, including two almanacs of Oklahoma politics.
He said political corruption involves one of three scales:
•Small and episodic — Typically confined to one local official seeking personal gain.
•Small but widespread — Several local officials operating independently of each other to fleece the public, as with the county commissioner scandal.
•Big — Massive efforts by politicians to use and abuse their position for expansive profit.
"If we're looking at this stuff with Mass and Stipe and the straw donors, that clearly fits in the category of big,” Gaddie said.
Stipe arguably is the most powerful legislator in Oklahoma history. Gaddie calls him one of the most powerful state legislators in U.S. history.
Corrupt culture predates statehood
There's a reason Oklahoma's political history is so colorful, Gaddie said. It dates to the land run of 1889, when the first "Sooners” broke the law by staking their claims before the gunshot that signaled the land run's opening.
It didn't take long for that spirit to envelop Oklahoma's political landscape, Gaddie said.
"Our government had the same kind of wildcatter attitude as our main two industries, coal and oil,” he said. "In a way, we kind of made up the rules as we went along.”
Thursday, October 4, 2007
www.apexchange.com/(X(1)A(LmILmn8GyAEkAAAAZWZiMjA2YmMtMTQzNC00NzcyLThlOWYtMDhjYTM2ZDIyMTBjaCO_VhVxuVhLMr1Vauj0dzwcoLQ1))/pages/oneup_rss.aspx?id=47a839321c0c48e5960a0349f899bb1e%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20&links=USABL&uh=ZlmexWy8QrhLhjGcJKC%2FyGpHx15SqKbrpeGqusGoNm4%3D&AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1
Young speaker embroiled in ethics controversy again
By RON JENKINS
Release Date: 09/30/2007 04:00 AM
OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) _ For the second time in his first year as speaker, Republican Lance Cargill has become embroiled in a controversy over fundraising.
Earlier this year, Cargill drew criticism for summoning lobbyists to a political consultant's office to personally ask them for donations.
Democrats charged that was symbolic of a "pay-for-play" atmosphere at the Capitol, where special interests who have legislation pending before the Legislature are pressured to make political donations.
Cargill, 36, said there was nothing improper about the solicitations.
The latest fundraising questions stem from activities in 2004 by the House Republican political action committee, which was headed by Cargill.
Those activities are being investigated by the Ethics Commission, according to party leaders.
The exact nature of the investigation is not clear, but it has exposed differences among GOP officials over how campaign funds should be handled.
One question being asked is how checks written to the Oklahoma Republican Party in 2004 wound up in the "Victory Fund" of the Oklahoma County Republican Committee.
As head of the House PAC, Cargill should have the answers, says former Speaker Todd Hiett, R-Kellyville. He and others said checks they wrote were intended for the Oklahoma Republican Party, not the county. Others said they had no problem with the county getting the funds.
For his part, Cargill is not responding to questions about the House PAC's fundraising and spending.
He has issued a statement in which he declared: "We are not aware of any ethics violations that have occurred, but to be absolutely clear: I did not solicit, receive, deposit or expend any Victory Fund checks."
State ethics rules limit contributions to a political party to $5,000, whether the money is received by the state party, the county party or similar entity.
Some of Cargill's supporters say that means checks made out to the state party can be given to the county.
Gary Jones, state Republican chairman, disagrees.
Jones says the state party should have received checks written to it in 2004. He said he did not know why funds were diverted.
"You will have to ask the people who directed that," Jones said. "Every dollar we received here was deposited and reported.
"If we chose to give money to another group or candidate, we wrote a check and reported that as well. I'm a stickler for the rules."
State ethics rules seek to prevent efforts to get around the $5,000 limit on contributions. State campaign laws do the same.
Violation of funding limits can lead to criminal charges. The most notable example was the case against former Gov. David Walters, who was accused of perjury for signing faulty campaign reports.
In the end, he pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor, paid a $1,000 fine and got a one-year deferred sentence. The controversy led to him not seeking re-election in 1994.
In a case brought against Oklahoma County Commissioner Brent Rinehart, the county official was charged with perjury, money laundering and conspiracy linked to an alleged scheme to exceed the $5,000 limit.
Those charges revolved around an accusation that Rinehart skirted campaign law by "knowingly accepting a contribution to a political candidate through an intermediary or conduit with unlawful intent."
The criminal charge is similar to a state ethics rule. Ethics rules carry only civil penalties, such as a fine, but a case can be forwarded to prosecutors for consideration of criminal charges.
The downfall of former Insurance Commissioner Carroll Fisher began with an Ethics Commission probe. The panel turned its files over to the state's multicounty grand jury. That led to bribery and other charges being levied against Fisher, who was impeached and sentenced to prison.
Both Jones and Pam Pollard, chairman of the Oklahoma County GOP, said they understood the Ethics Commission had sent letters asking some Oklahoma County Republicans to appear before the panel, but they did not know who got the letters.
Al Mertens of Oklahoma City, an unsuccessful candidate for the state House in 2000, was county GOP chairman in 2004.
He has not returned repeated calls to his home seeking comment.
Neither has Aaron Curry, a House Republican PAC official four years ago.
Ryan Wilson, Oklahoma City lawyer, performed legal services for the House PAC in 2004. He said he worked with Mertens and Curry. He said he was recommended for the work by Cargill.
Wilson said he sent bills to Cargill's law office in Harrah because he was acquainted with the House member.
"I was simply forwarding the bills (to Cargill's office) so that he could forward them on to the organization," the attorney said.
So far, no one has publicly alleged wrongdoing by Cargill or anyone else and the ethics investigation appears to be in its early stages.
Outcomes of Ethics Commission probes are not always made public. Ethics rules provide for a "private reprimand" in some cases.
Young speaker embroiled in ethics controversy again
By RON JENKINS
Release Date: 09/30/2007 04:00 AM
OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) _ For the second time in his first year as speaker, Republican Lance Cargill has become embroiled in a controversy over fundraising.
Earlier this year, Cargill drew criticism for summoning lobbyists to a political consultant's office to personally ask them for donations.
Democrats charged that was symbolic of a "pay-for-play" atmosphere at the Capitol, where special interests who have legislation pending before the Legislature are pressured to make political donations.
Cargill, 36, said there was nothing improper about the solicitations.
The latest fundraising questions stem from activities in 2004 by the House Republican political action committee, which was headed by Cargill.
Those activities are being investigated by the Ethics Commission, according to party leaders.
The exact nature of the investigation is not clear, but it has exposed differences among GOP officials over how campaign funds should be handled.
One question being asked is how checks written to the Oklahoma Republican Party in 2004 wound up in the "Victory Fund" of the Oklahoma County Republican Committee.
As head of the House PAC, Cargill should have the answers, says former Speaker Todd Hiett, R-Kellyville. He and others said checks they wrote were intended for the Oklahoma Republican Party, not the county. Others said they had no problem with the county getting the funds.
For his part, Cargill is not responding to questions about the House PAC's fundraising and spending.
He has issued a statement in which he declared: "We are not aware of any ethics violations that have occurred, but to be absolutely clear: I did not solicit, receive, deposit or expend any Victory Fund checks."
State ethics rules limit contributions to a political party to $5,000, whether the money is received by the state party, the county party or similar entity.
Some of Cargill's supporters say that means checks made out to the state party can be given to the county.
Gary Jones, state Republican chairman, disagrees.
Jones says the state party should have received checks written to it in 2004. He said he did not know why funds were diverted.
"You will have to ask the people who directed that," Jones said. "Every dollar we received here was deposited and reported.
"If we chose to give money to another group or candidate, we wrote a check and reported that as well. I'm a stickler for the rules."
State ethics rules seek to prevent efforts to get around the $5,000 limit on contributions. State campaign laws do the same.
Violation of funding limits can lead to criminal charges. The most notable example was the case against former Gov. David Walters, who was accused of perjury for signing faulty campaign reports.
In the end, he pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor, paid a $1,000 fine and got a one-year deferred sentence. The controversy led to him not seeking re-election in 1994.
In a case brought against Oklahoma County Commissioner Brent Rinehart, the county official was charged with perjury, money laundering and conspiracy linked to an alleged scheme to exceed the $5,000 limit.
Those charges revolved around an accusation that Rinehart skirted campaign law by "knowingly accepting a contribution to a political candidate through an intermediary or conduit with unlawful intent."
The criminal charge is similar to a state ethics rule. Ethics rules carry only civil penalties, such as a fine, but a case can be forwarded to prosecutors for consideration of criminal charges.
The downfall of former Insurance Commissioner Carroll Fisher began with an Ethics Commission probe. The panel turned its files over to the state's multicounty grand jury. That led to bribery and other charges being levied against Fisher, who was impeached and sentenced to prison.
Both Jones and Pam Pollard, chairman of the Oklahoma County GOP, said they understood the Ethics Commission had sent letters asking some Oklahoma County Republicans to appear before the panel, but they did not know who got the letters.
Al Mertens of Oklahoma City, an unsuccessful candidate for the state House in 2000, was county GOP chairman in 2004.
He has not returned repeated calls to his home seeking comment.
Neither has Aaron Curry, a House Republican PAC official four years ago.
Ryan Wilson, Oklahoma City lawyer, performed legal services for the House PAC in 2004. He said he worked with Mertens and Curry. He said he was recommended for the work by Cargill.
Wilson said he sent bills to Cargill's law office in Harrah because he was acquainted with the House member.
"I was simply forwarding the bills (to Cargill's office) so that he could forward them on to the organization," the attorney said.
So far, no one has publicly alleged wrongdoing by Cargill or anyone else and the ethics investigation appears to be in its early stages.
Outcomes of Ethics Commission probes are not always made public. Ethics rules provide for a "private reprimand" in some cases.
http://stevefair.blogspot.com/2007/10/are-political-consultants-hurting-or.html
Tuesday, October 2, 2007
Are Political Consultants Hurting
or Helping Democracy?
Who They Are, How They Evaluate the
Process of Electing Candidates &
What They Reveal about Their Ethical Practices
In June of 1999, American University commissioned a study on the effect of paid political consultants on the Democratic process. The 28 page report is available at the link below. Some of their findings include-
Consultants see themselves as replacing political parties in providing strategic advice, advertising, polling, direct mail, opposition research, fundraising, and get out the vote operations.
Seventy-three percent of the consultants think unethical practices sometimes occur in their business.
While ideology is still what motivates consultants most often today, the number who say the money involved is their main motivation has more than doubled (11% to 24%).
I believe in the free market. I have sold everything from cat litter to apple butter, so I understand the free market. I would never attempt to prevent anyone from selling anything that is legal to a potential buyer, however political consultants tend to push talented volunteers out of the decision making process in campaigns. That happens for one reason- MONEY. If a campaign volunteer can provide FREE or VALUE PRICED material, labor or expertise, the consultant doesn't get their cut. The reason parties have become irrelevant in recent years is not because the level of talent at the volunteer level has deteriorated, but because consultants can't compete with free or cheap labor, so they attack it. They convince the naive candidate that without their "expert" help, they don't have a chance to win. Truth is- candidates win races, not consultants. A good solid candidate is the primary component to winning- one that will work, raise money, and engage voters. The consultant may help with material and "strategy", but the bulk of what they sell the candidate is MATERIAL, not strategy. The more material they can get a candidate to buy, the more they make. I understand that concept. I eat what I kill- I'm on commission.
Political consultants have become so prevalent in campaigns that now school board, county and municipal candidates use them. A principled consultant can provide expert knowledge of the campaign game, but an unprincipled one can spoil the whole barrel. It's critical principled consultants root out, expose and police their ranks, otherwise the vocation of political consultant will have the same respect level as a used car salesman or trial lawyer. I apologize for the rant, but when a candidate has 8 mail pieces in the last week of a race JUST TO SPEND THE MONEY SO THE CONSULTANT CAN GET HIS CUT, it hacks me off! Check out the link- the article is well worth reading.
http://spa.american.edu/ccps/getpdf.php?table=publications&ID=7
Posted by Steve Fair
Tuesday, October 2, 2007
Are Political Consultants Hurting
or Helping Democracy?
Who They Are, How They Evaluate the
Process of Electing Candidates &
What They Reveal about Their Ethical Practices
In June of 1999, American University commissioned a study on the effect of paid political consultants on the Democratic process. The 28 page report is available at the link below. Some of their findings include-
Consultants see themselves as replacing political parties in providing strategic advice, advertising, polling, direct mail, opposition research, fundraising, and get out the vote operations.
Seventy-three percent of the consultants think unethical practices sometimes occur in their business.
While ideology is still what motivates consultants most often today, the number who say the money involved is their main motivation has more than doubled (11% to 24%).
I believe in the free market. I have sold everything from cat litter to apple butter, so I understand the free market. I would never attempt to prevent anyone from selling anything that is legal to a potential buyer, however political consultants tend to push talented volunteers out of the decision making process in campaigns. That happens for one reason- MONEY. If a campaign volunteer can provide FREE or VALUE PRICED material, labor or expertise, the consultant doesn't get their cut. The reason parties have become irrelevant in recent years is not because the level of talent at the volunteer level has deteriorated, but because consultants can't compete with free or cheap labor, so they attack it. They convince the naive candidate that without their "expert" help, they don't have a chance to win. Truth is- candidates win races, not consultants. A good solid candidate is the primary component to winning- one that will work, raise money, and engage voters. The consultant may help with material and "strategy", but the bulk of what they sell the candidate is MATERIAL, not strategy. The more material they can get a candidate to buy, the more they make. I understand that concept. I eat what I kill- I'm on commission.
Political consultants have become so prevalent in campaigns that now school board, county and municipal candidates use them. A principled consultant can provide expert knowledge of the campaign game, but an unprincipled one can spoil the whole barrel. It's critical principled consultants root out, expose and police their ranks, otherwise the vocation of political consultant will have the same respect level as a used car salesman or trial lawyer. I apologize for the rant, but when a candidate has 8 mail pieces in the last week of a race JUST TO SPEND THE MONEY SO THE CONSULTANT CAN GET HIS CUT, it hacks me off! Check out the link- the article is well worth reading.
http://spa.american.edu/ccps/getpdf.php?table=publications&ID=7
Posted by Steve Fair
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